Birth

Enlistment Information

Military Service

Embarkation Information

Military Awards

Death

Biographical Notes

Norman Crawford was born on 18 August 1894 in Timaru to Annie Maria Crawford (née Suckling), originally of Christchurch, and Irish-born Alexander Crawford. He had three elder siblings from his father’s first marriage to Margaret Ritchie. The eldest, Alexander Francis Ritchie Crawford, was born in October 1881 at Shrigley Cottage on High Street, Timaru. James Garfield Crawford was born in December 1883, also at Shrigley Cottage - he would later become a surgeon and a medical officer in World War One. The couple’s daughter, Margaret Ritchie Crawford, was born in June 1889. Their mother passed away a week later at Shrigley Cottage, aged 39. Alexander Crawford married Annie Maria, Norman’s mother, in January 1892, and their daughter Ivy Muriel Crawford was born in November of that year, also on High Street. Norman’s younger sisters, Vera Alice and Bertha, were born in February 1896 and January 1898, respectively. Lastly, his brother Stewart White Crawford (known to the family as Dan) came along in January 1900. Norman’s father, Alexander Crawford, was originally from Donaghadee in County Down, Ireland. In Timaru, he was a well-respected man, particularly among the business and farming community, having managed the grain departments of the National Mortgage Company and later Guinness and Le Cren’s company. The family were Presbyterian and attended Trinity Church, originally located in Barnard Street. Norman’s father was a strong supporter of this church, of which he was an elder for many years, and Norman and his sisters were sometimes noted in the Timaru Herald for giving recitations at the Trinity Band of Hope fortnightly meeting. As a child, Norman must have been quite dedicated to his Sunday School studies, attaining the highest mark in infant scripture and Catechism, as reported in the Temuka Leader in October 1904. Norman attended Timaru Main School (now Bluestone) and in February 1908 was listed as one of the candidates who had passed a special examination for junior free places at a secondary or district high school. He then went to Timaru Boys High School and in 1912 was enrolled at Timaru Technical School (which went on to become Aoraki Polytechnic and Mountainview High School) to study to become a law clerk. At the time of his enlistment, Norman was working as a law clerk for James Emslie Solicitors in Timaru. Norman Crawford enlisted with the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (NZEF) on 11 August 1914, joining the Canterbury Infantry Battalion. Before that, he was in the 2nd (South Canterbury) Regiment and had been registered for compulsory military training. On his ‘Description On Enlistment’ form, Norman’s ‘apparent age’ is stated to be twenty years old, and indeed he was seven days short of his twentieth birthday. It was also noted that he was five feet eight inches tall, weighed 154 pounds, and had brown eyes, dark brown hair, and a dark complexion. Norman was single when he enlisted and considered himself a British subject. His medical examination form states that he had defective vision in his left eye but he was passed anyway because he was an ‘otherwise particularly good man’. As stated in Christopher Tobin’s Gone to Gallipoli: Anzacs of Small Town New Zealand go to War, the people of Timaru heard that Britain had declared war on Germany on 6 August 1914 (Tobin 2001: 10). A mere five days later, Norman Crawford signed up as a volunteer. Another Timaru man among the first to volunteer was David Grant, a commander of the South Canterbury Infantry (Tobin 2001: 10-11). Although Tobin does not give a specific date, he explains that once the news of war broke on 6 August, there were a few days of raising money for the war fund whilst the men signed up and then Grant, along with the 200 South Cantabrians that made up his company, travelled by train to Christchurch to join other soldiers from the upper half of the South Island (2001: 10-14). Having also enlisted in those first few days, Norman Crawford would have been part of that contingent. Furthermore, Grant was deployed from New Zealand on the troop transport ship the Athenic, setting sail from Wellington on 16 October 1914 (Tobin 2001: 14). Norman Crawford also set sail on this date, on either the Athenic or the Tahiti, which travelled as part of the same convoy. With these key aspects of their stories in common, Grant and Crawford were arguably on almost the same trajectory (albeit with different ranks), at least until 25 April 1915. Grant’s story, along with those of the other South Cantabrian soldiers that Tobin recounts, can therefore shed some light on the details of Norman’s movements during his relatively short time in service. In Christchurch, training likely took place either at the camp at Addington or Sockburn. Tobin explains that training consisted of ‘drilling, marching, receiving musketry instruction, and being issued gear and equipment.’ On 23 September 1914, the infantrymen travelled by train to Lyttleton where they boarded the Athenic and sailed to Wellington, joining troops from Otago, Auckland, and Wellington. At the Trentham camp in Upper Hutt, they were given further training before finally leaving New Zealand as part of a contingent of 8574 soldiers and 3818 horses, under the impression Europe was their destination (Tobin 2001: 14; Pugsley 2004: 63). In Western Australia, the NZEF joined with the Australian Imperial Forces (AIF) convoy, becoming the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) (Pugsley 2004: 64). According to the journey timeline of the Athenic, documented by the Friends of Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park Inc, the ship travelled in a convoy totaling ten troopships with four cruisers as fleet escorts, arriving in Hobart, Tasmania on 21 October and in Albany, Western Australia on 28 October. They departed from King George Sound in Albany on 1 November and arrived in Colombo, Sri Lanka (then known as Ceylon) on 15 November. The next stop was Aden, a port city in Yemen, on 25 November. From there they passed through the Suez Canal on 1 December and arrived in Alexandria on 3 December. For Privates such as Crawford, Tobin explains that conditions on the ship were grim - ‘only five wash basins and four toilets were available for 500 men’ and the food was often ‘not fit for dogs’ (2001: 14). The soldiers endured these conditions for a total of 48 days. As Tobin states, the change in destination from Europe to Egypt was due to Turkey’s entry into the war as an ally of Germany. The New Zealand soldiers were sent to Zeitoun, a camp that was set up in the desert ten kilometres north-east of Cairo, to undergo intense training. The South Canterbury Infantry’s day began with a bugle sounding at 5.30am and then, as Tobin describes, continued as follows: ‘at 6.30am they had physical drill; at 7am breakfast comprising porridge, bully beef and coffee. From 8am to 2pm, the solid work was undertaken, often involving a march into the desert to practise attacking and entrenching. After lunch the day ended with rifle drill from 3.30pm to 4pm. The peak of the training entailed a 38km march in full pack, bivouacking, eating an evening meal, and then digging trenches before sleeping.’ To add to the difficulty, training took place ‘in choking dust and sand under a hot sun.’ However, it was not all work and no play. Located a mere eight minutes by train from Cairo, the soldiers would leave the Zeitoun camp to visit the city, as well as the pyramids, the ancient city of Memphis, and the ruins of Thebes (Tobin 2001: 17-18). No doubt, Norman Crawford went on some of these exciting sightseeing trips. But it would not be long before Private Crawford would have his first encounter with the enemy. Tobin explains that for the 30 years prior, Egypt had been under British control. In December 1914 it was declared a protectorate of the British Empire and a pro-British sultan was installed. However, the Turks considered Egypt part of their Ottoman Empire and in January 1915, sent 25,000 troops across the Sinai desert, intending to drive out the British and reclaim Egypt. On 2 February, Major Grant and the South Canterbury Company, who, along with other British, Indian, and New Zealand troops, had been stationed along the Suez Canal, were positioned in their trenches whilst Allied soldiers battled with the Turks. Twenty-four hours later, they joined 1000 Bengal Lancers and a few hundred Sikh infantry near Ismailia with orders to chase the Turks into the desert. At one point, the Turks attempted to lure Grant and the South Canterburys to the right in order to cut them off but this was fortunately foiled by British warships who, having seen what was occurring, alerted Grant with warning shots and he and his men rejoined their lines. The Turks’ attempt to take Egypt was eventually quashed (Tobin 2001: 19-21). Expelling the Turks from Egypt was not enough for Britain and its allies and, as Tobin recounts, they decided to attack the Turkish peninsula by naval assault via the Straits of the Dardanelles. After six weeks of hostilities, this plan was abandoned and, despite ‘grave misgivings’, it was decided an Allied army should make a land attack, with the hope of capturing Constantinople (now Istanbul) and gaining control of the Black Sea. The initial date for the attack was 14 April, but it was pushed back to 25 April, which unfortunately gave the Turks time to regroup and prepare well to defend the peninsula. The Allies, on the other hand, were under-resourced and their maps were based on surveys taken 50 years prior (Tobin 2001: 21). According to Tobin, Major Grant and the South Canterbury Company, along with the entire New Zealand Infantry, left Zeitoun on 10 March, taking troop trains to Alexandria (2001: 21). Private Norman Crawford was most likely among them. Tobin adds that on 14 April, the South Canterburys boarded the Lutzow and, along with twelve other ships carrying New Zealand Infantry, sailed to Lemnos, an island 64 kilometres west of Gallipoli. The journey took two days and on board sleeping conditions were rough and there was a lack of space but the food was reasonable. From 16-23 April the soldiers were given more training, which Tobin describes as follows: ‘Each day, in full kit, the soldiers packed into boats and practiced landing, extending along the shore and then advancing to the nearest hill to take up a firing position.’ They then had a few hours of free time before returning to the Lutzow (Tobin 2001: 23). Many historians have studied the details of what would transpire over the next two weeks and it is common knowledge that, for many reasons that will not be explored here, things did not go well for the Allies. Tobin’s account is one of the most useful, with its detailed insight into the movements of the South Canterbury Company that Private Crawford was part of. He notes that ships began leaving Lemnos on the afternoon of Saturday 24 April and at 1am on 25 April, Major Grant left the island with his Company aboard the Lutzow. They dropped anchor at 7am, just off the shore of Gaba Tepe on the Turkish peninsula. By 8am, it was already clear things had not gone according to plan. One of the major problems was that the first Australian soldiers had not landed where planned and found themselves in an area of much more difficult terrain (Tobin 2001: 25). Tobin goes on to recount that Grant inspected his men and their equipment below deck - ‘each soldier had a haversack with three days extra rations (mainly bully beef and hard biscuits), an oil sheet, a water bottle, 150 rounds of ammunition in a pouch and another 100 rounds in a breast pocket. Many had small bibles in their other breast pocket. They carried .303 Short Magazine Lee Enfield rifles, with 14 inch bayonets attached.’ Their packs weighed 70 pounds, around 32 kilograms. Thus equipped, together with the 1st Canterbury Company and the Auckland Battalion, they got into position in their platoons on deck and waited for the order to land. This came at 9am and the men descended into lighters and barges, which were towed to shore by a destroyer. For many, it was a stomach-churning journey. The soldiers had to row the last leg and once they were within 100 metres of land they disembarked and waded ashore, the water up to their waists. There were many wounded and dead already and much chaos and confusion. Two South Canterbury platoons attached themselves to the Aucklanders, leaving Major Grant wondering where they were. After realising they had gone with Lt-Colonel Stewart and the Auckland Battalion, who headed up the cliff later referred to as Plugge’s Plateau (known as Hain Tepe or Cruel Hill to the Turks), Grant took what men he had with him in a different direction. There was a severe lack of organisation and heavy fire everywhere from the Turks (Tobin 2001: 27-34). Whether he went with the two platoons that split off or remained with Grant, Private Crawford had a traumatic day ahead of him. By 2pm, conditions were desperate and the Turks began their counter-attack. As one soldier, Private Robert H. Smith of Timaru put it, ‘it was every man for himself (...)’ and another, Corporal Joe Sullivan, a Methodist minister from Timaru, ‘it was hell on earth.’ Around 3pm, Grant and his men were reaching the 500-foot summit of what was known as Malone’s Gully, joining the Australians of the 11th and 12th Battalions. It was a precarious position, with Turkish machine guns on the crest directly above them. Grant made the difficult decision to attack, despite the risk of ‘almost certain death from enfilade fire.’ Indeed, Grant, along with many other New Zealanders, was hit and badly wounded. Those who could were forced to retreat as hordes of Turks advanced from over the hill. It is believed Grant would have been killed by later fire or possibly bayoneted (Tobin 2001: 34-39). By 7pm, there were approximately 16,000 Anzacs on the peninsula, including 3000 New Zealanders. Their line was two kilometres across and only one kilometre inland and they were up against 12,000 Turks. There were still some small groups of Turks attacking but the Anzacs that were in safe positions stopped fighting to light fires and boil billies. For Tobin, it was possibly nightfall that saved them from total defeat. The wounded continued to descend to the beach as a light but cold drizzle set in. Private Smith despaired of himself and fellow South Canterburys that they ‘were a sorry looking sight.’ The wounded would have a long wait (some more than 24 hours) ahead of them to be evacuated to hospital ships - there were only two of these for the Anzac landing and they had been at capacity since midday. The men of the South Canterbury Company, the 1st Canterbury Company, and the Auckland Battalion had done the bulk of New Zealand’s fighting. They also made up most of New Zealand’s 600-700 casualties for the day. They had fought well, but the day had been a failure. Abandoning the peninsula altogether and re-embarking was seriously considered. However, it was discarded as an option because it would take two days. At midnight, the men were ordered to dig in (Tobin 2001: 40-43). The days that transpired between 26 April and 4 May were just as difficult. Tobin recounts that on the morning of 26 April, the Turks continued with their relentless shells, bullets, and machine gun fire. Allied ships blasted the Turks from the sea, as did their hydroplanes from the air. Both sides were exhausted and in states of chaos. The surviving soldiers of Grant’s South Canterburys were strewn across two ridges, Second and Walker’s, with very little cover, food, or water. One of them, Sergeant A.T. Morris, learned that the remains of the Company had gathered on the left flank near the beach and went to join them, finding only about half of them left. It is possible Private Crawford was among them. Tobin notes that the rest of the day consisted of either fighting or digging trenches, the latter of which was an arduous task due to the extreme hardness of the ground (Tobin 2001: 50-52). As Tobin further relates, on 27 April, having been sent reinforcements, the Turks began an aggressive attack, aiming to push the Anzacs into the sea. This included attacking the ridge where the South Canterburys were attempting to regroup. Private Dave Scott, a farmer at Ohapi Creek near Winchester and former All Black, wrote in his diary that he and his comrades dubbed the day ‘Hell Tuesday.’ It was a horrific day of fighting and losses which, in Tobin’s opinion, was probably only salvaged by a naval bombardment. The Anzacs managed to hold the line on the left flank and secure Walker’s Ridge. However, fighting continued throughout the night and into the next morning. As well as the fighting and threat from snipers, the men endured a lack of sleep and lack of sufficient food and drink. But the Turkish attack had failed. Now, both sides set about strengthening their positions. Entries in Private Scott’s diary reveal that even though the Turks’ attack had failed, fighting remained strong and frequent until 1 May, when things were ‘quietening down slightly’ (Tobin 2001: 52-55). But, as Tobin further explains, it was decided that a breakthrough attack was needed to take a hill referred to as Baby 700 to strengthen positions. The Canterbury Battalion was in reserve for the Otago Battalion, who were to take part in this attack with the Australians and the Royal Marine Light Infantry. It did not go well for the Otagos. They were given too short notice to get into position on time after the battleships finished shelling Baby 700 and a large number of them were killed in the Turks’ machine gun fire. From that point, they were referred to as the ‘unlucky Otagos’, the area they were slaughtered in became ‘Deadman’s Ridge,’ and the day of the attack - 2 May - would be known as ‘Bloody Sunday.’ Two Companies in the Canterbury Battalion, which included some South Canterburys, also suffered 51 casualties during the failed attack. There were many severely wounded men, but it was noted how brave and stoic they remained in the face of their injuries and extreme conditions. With yet another failed attack, the high command now concluded the Gaba Tepe front to be a stalemate and re-focused on the Cape Helles front to the south, where British and French troops had landed on 25 April (Tobin 2001: 55-58). This is where Private Norman Crawford would fight his last battle. Tobin recounts that the New Zealand Infantry, including the South Canterburys, and the 2nd Australian Brigade, were sent to Helles to reinforce the French and British in their attack on a hill called Achi Baba and a town called Krithia. They were taken 21 kilometres south by a destroyer at 2am on Thursday 6 May, some under the impression they were being sent there to rest. They came ashore at V beach just before dawn. They were given picks and shovels, then marched three kilometres inland and bivouacked in a vineyard. The bombardment of Achi Baba began at 11am, followed by the British and French Infantries’ attack. This continued through the night but without much success (Tobin 2001: 58-59). On Friday 7 May, the New Zealanders moved towards Krithia and were installed in trenches on open ground by 6pm. At 6am the next morning, they had breakfast and prepared for ‘a broad general attack.’ Tobin points out that the majority of them had been in battle for thirteen straight days. It is likely this was the case for Private Crawford. In the formation of the attack, the New Zealand Infantry Brigade would be positioned almost in the middle, with the British 29th Division on the left and the Royal Naval Division to their right. The Canterburys advanced in two lines for approximately four kilometres; the South Canterburys were in front with the 12th (Nelson) Company. Turkish shells were exploding around them but they suffered few casualties. Those in this front line made it to the trenches held by the Munster Fusiliers and the Dublin Fusiliers. Those following in the second line encountered more difficulties in making it to the trenches. However, the New Zealanders were ordered to advance and thus they sprinted to the next line of trenches, which were held by the Worcester Regiment. According to Private Cecil Malthus, who was in the 12th Company but was born and raised in Timaru, the Worcesters informed them that ‘(...) it was madness to think of advancing’ as all previous attacks ‘had been decisively repelled by murderous machine gun fire (...).’ Private Malthus describes the terrain as ‘flat and open for a long way ahead, with no natural cover at all, except for the nullah (...)’ (a creekbed) on their right. He laments that they ‘were now lined up for the slaughter (...).’ Tobin remarks that because he was a scout, Malthus was at the front of the Battalion and was the first over the top of the trench when the New Zealanders attacked at 10.30am. Malthus himself explains that he only had a fighting chance because he was able to sprint ‘50 yards or more before the hail of fire began.’ He further comments that they continued their sprint and oddly noticed the beautiful poppies and daisies in the field around them before going to ground in a depression as they came under heavy fire, desperately trying to entrench. Another soldier, Private Walter Hutchins of the South Canterbury Company describes the extent of the casualties: ‘The ground was simply covered with dead and wounded.’ Of the twenty men in his section, only three remained by evening. He reports that ‘whole platoons were put out of action’ (Tobin 2001: 59-62). By 1.30pm the Turkish fire was fading. But the wounded were lying under the hot sun all over the battlefield, known as the Daisy Patch. They would have an agonising wait to get treatment. Some of the Canterbury Battalion managed to find some cover and could dress their wounds, drink water, and eat some bully beef. But all were still at risk of being hit by snipers. At 3pm, the New Zealanders were told to prepare to attack again at 5.30pm. In this attack, the Aucklanders ‘were cut to pieces.’ The South Canterburys did not fare much better. Private Scott comments that in the ‘charge on Krithia’, they lost 45% of their ‘best men.’ Tobin provides a list of the sixteen men of the South Canterbury Company who were killed in that attack, including Private Norman Crawford. To add to the tragedy, some of them were killed by their own Canterbury comrades, having been mistaken for Turks after returning late in the evening from scouting against surprise attacks. In total, 853 New Zealanders were killed or wounded that day and the Allies had not come close to reaching their objective. As Tobin points out, the British commander responsible for the attack - Lt-General A.G. Hunter-Weston - was ‘denounced bitterly by New Zealand and other Allied soldiers and reviled as “the Butcher of Helles”.’ He adds that the attack, the likes of which would be repeated over and again throughout the war, demonstrated that for the military establishment sending out vast numbers of men to be brutally slaughtered was completely justified if it led to the possibility of wearing down the enemy (Tobin 2001: 63-64). The fact that Private Crawford had survived from the first day of the landings on 25 April 1915 up to the doomed Helles attack on 8 May 1915 was a remarkable achievement. Pugsley confirms that in that time, a mere 14 days, New Zealand suffered 2,800 casualties. The Wellington Battalion had sustained the least number of casualties and even that had been halved in size. For Pugsley, what happened at Helles exemplified the lack of planning, reliance on bravery, and the ‘inability of British and Anzac commanders at divisional and brigade level to adapt their thinking on how to overcome the growing strength and complexity of the trenches the Turks were constructing’ (Pugsley 2004: 90). As mentioned above, Private Scott considered Norman Crawford one of the South Canterbury Company’s ‘best men’. From this, we can infer that he fought well and fought bravely during his fourteen days in active combat at Gallipoli. His death was announced in several newspaper publications in June 1915, including the Timaru Herald, the Christchurch Press, the Christchurch Sun, and the Lyttleton Times, among others. In the Australasian Honours Roll published in the Oamaru Mail on 15 June 1915, it was mentioned that he was barely twenty years old when he enlisted and that he ‘was an exceptionally bright boy at school, gaining considerable distinction.’ The North Otago Times Honour Roll, also published on 15 June, added that Norman had first worked at the office of the Timaru Post and then had decided to study law. Working at James Emslie’s law firm, it was noted that ‘his ability and application to his work gave promise of a very successful career’. On Norman’s military history sheet, it states that upon discharge he intended to return to Timaru. It is thus likely that he would have gone on to become a lawyer, had he returned from the war. For his service, Norman Crawford was awarded three medals: the 1914-15 Star, the British War Medal (05/10/1921), and the Victory Medal (16/08/1922). The actioning of his medals was completed on 28 September 1923. Norman’s Memorial Scroll was sent to his parents in June 1921 and his Memorial Plaque was sent in January the following year. In Turkey, he is commemorated, along with 178 other New Zealanders, at the Twelve Tree Copse Memorial, located within the cemetery of the same name in the Helles area, about one kilometre southwest of the village of Krithia on the Gallipoli peninsula. In Timaru, he is commemorated on the Memorial Wall at the Timaru Cenotaph on Queen Street, unveiled on 25 April 1926. Timaru Main School erected a memorial monument in the winter of 1921 to commemorate the 70 former teachers and pupils who died serving in the war and the 361 others who fought and returned. It is located on the corner of Arthur Street and Grey Road (next to the former headmaster’s house) and is still used in Anzac Day commemorations. Norman Crawford is included on the commemorative plaque in the Timaru Boys High School Memorial Library and the Mountainview High School Roll of Honour. Entries for him can be found online on the NZ War Graves Project, the Auckland Museum Online Cenotaph, the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, the Royal British Legion’s site ‘Every One Remembered’, and A Street Near You. ‘They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old: Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning We will remember them.’ (For the Fallen, Laurence Binyon)

Sources

Personal and Family History: NZ BDM Historical Records at https://bdmhistoricalrecords.dia.govt.nz https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18810127.2.8 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18811003.2.6 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18831227.2.7.5 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/SUNCH19170712.2.21 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18890701.2.9 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/BH18890705.2.5 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18920203.2.5 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD18921128.2.7 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19300512.2.11 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19380620.2.26 https://www.timarupres.org.nz/about-us/ https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19020823.2.10 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19020906.2.12 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/TEML19041029.2.3 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19080204.2.46 https://www.mountainview.school.nz/About/History/ Norman Crawford Military Personnel File Information on Vessels and Voyages: Friends of Kangaroo Ground War Memorial Park Inc: https://discoverytrailscomau.wordpress.com/18-1-6-hmsnz-ships-during-ww1/ https://navymuseum.co.nz/explore/by-themes/world-war-one/troopships-departed-nz-ww1/ Gallipoli Campaign: Gone to Gallipoli: Anzacs of small town New Zealand go to war, Christopher Tobin, 2001 The ANZAC Experience: New Zealand, Australia and Empire in the First World War, Christopher Pugsley, 2004 Norman Crawford Death Notices - Papers Past: https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19150614.2.30 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/SUNCH19150614.2.23 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19150614.2.68.3 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT19150614.2.43.1 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OAM19150615.2.32 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NOT19150615.2.38 Commemoration: https://www.cwgc.org/visit-us/find-cemeteries-memorials/cemetery-details/166501/twelve-tree-copse-new-zealand-memorial/ https://www.cwgc.org/find-records/find-war-dead/casualty-details/1739041/norman-crawford/ https://www.timaru.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0008/673856/Historic-Heritage-Assessment-Report-HHI33-South-Canterbury-War-Memorial-Category-A.pdf https://www.timaru.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0008/674027/Historic-Heritage-Assessment-Report-HHI206-Timaru-Main-School-War-Memorial-Category-B.pdf https://timdc.pastperfectonline.com/photo/29A66347-992C-4DBC-84FB-594848341750 https://www.timaru.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/673855/Historic-Heritage-Assessment-Report-HHI32-Timaru-Boys-HIgh-School-Memorial-Library-Category-A.pdf https://www.nzwargraves.org.nz/node/5840/ https://www.aucklandmuseum.com/war-memorial/online-cenotaph/record/C3378 https://www.everyoneremembered.org/profiles/soldier/1739041/ https://astreetnearyou.org/person/1739041/Private-Norman--Crawford Other Sources consulted: Canterbury and World War One: Lives Lost Lives Changed exhibition 30 November 2017 to 11 November 2018 https://worldwarone.canterburymuseum.com/ Mountainview High School Honour Roll

External Links

• Auckland War Memorial Museum Cenotaph record
• Military personnel file

Related Documents

• Mountainview High School Roll of Honour (pdf, 809.5 KB updated 13-May-2016)

Researched and Written by

Liz Shea, SC branch NZSG

Currently Assigned to

SM